Maziar Bahari est un dramaturge, réalisateur et journaliste irano-canadien pour le magazine Newsweek. M. Bahari a obtenu un diplôme en communications de l’Université Concordia de Montréal. Peu de temps après, il réalise son premier film, Le voyage du Saint Louis, qui porte sur le voyage fatal de plus de 900 réfugiés juifs allemands en 1939.
Il a produit un certain nombre de documentaires et de bulletins de nouvelles pour Channel 4 et la BBC sur des sujets aussi variés que l’ayatollah Sistani, Muqtada al-Sadr et les droits de la personne en Iraq. Une rétrospective des films de M. Bahari a été organisée en novembre 2007 par le Festival international du film documentaire d’Amsterdam.
En 1998, Maziar Bahari est devenu correspondant iranien pour le magazine Newsweek. En septembre 2009, il est sélectionné par Desmond Tutu pour le Prix Prince des Asturies, catégorie Concorde. Durant les protestations qui ont eu lieu lors des élections iraniennes de 2009, il a été arrêté et détenu sans inculpation. Il a été forcé à faire des aveux télévisés reconnaissant que les journalistes occidentaux étaient des espions. Maziar Bahari a été détenu en isolation à la Prison d’Evin en Iran où il a été interrogé tous les jours.
Après 118 jours de détention, M. Bahari a été libéré sous caution, le 20 octobre 2009. M. Bahari fait face à quinze chefs d’accusation différents et a affirmé que, tant que la République islamique sera en place, il ne pourra pas retourner en toute sécurité en Iran.
Son arrestation et sa détention ont fait l’objet d’une partie de l’émission 60 Minutes du 22 novembre 2009 et d’un article dans le magazine Newsweek intitulé « 118 Days, 12 Hours, 54 Minutes » qui racontait en détail son expérience en prison.
Speech to the World Press Freedom Day
annual luncheon, Ottawa, 3 May 2010
Being a journalist in Iran is one of the most insecure jobs in a country run by one of the most insecure governments in the world. The Islamic Republic has made journalists its prime target. More than a hundred journalists have been arrested since the disputed presidential elections last summer. It’s very difficult to put a precise figure to the number in prison because it’s been a revolving door. They arrest a group of journalists one day and they let others go the next.
The government is trying hard to prove that it is in control and in charge of the lives of each and every citizen.
In the age of the Internet and satellite television the Iranian government is trying hard to change the tide of history. It wants to take Iran back to the era of shortwave radio and terrestrial television, media that it can easily control and censor.
A wise government would listen to the voices of its own people. The Iranian government shoots the messenger.
“You should not break a mirror because it shows your faults. You should change yourself,” goes a Persian saying. By breaking the mirror the Islamic Republic is losing its legitimacy as a religious government and a government chosen by the people. The actions of the government of Iran are far from the Islamic principles of fairness and kindness. Since last June, the government has also been ignoring the people’s peaceful demands for reforms within the framework of the regime.
In fact the Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, has decided to do away with all democratic pretensions and establish a militarized dictatorship with the help of the revolutionary guards. It is an attempt that will ultimately be defeated by the Iranian people. The current Khamenei-Guards project may take a few years or even decades to fail but the Iranian government will finally relent and accept the demands of the people for democracy, human rights and freedom of expression
How did we get here?
After the victory of the popular Islamic Revolution in 1979, the new government managed to maintain a certain level of legitimacy. The traditional religious masses supported the government. While the regime stifled many voices of dissent it allowed many reformist newspapers, opposition activists, human rights lawyers and journalists to survive and continue criticizing the government with a certain degree of impunity.
The regime did so because the gap between the educated elite and the traditional religious masses was so wide that the government did not feel really threatened by those who opposed its ineffective and authoritarian governance. The opposition had very little influence on the thinking and actions of the people. In fact when the mouthpieces of the government ridiculed the opposition for being elitist, they were telling the truth.
The Digital Age, the Dawn of a New Era
In the pre-Internet era the increasingly educated Iranians did not have a chance to communicate with the outside world or even with each other.
Internet and satellite television brought the knowledge that was in monopoly of a selected group of western educated elite to a greater number of Iranians. The gap between the elite and the masses was quickly disappearing. And that frightened the government.
The protest of millions of people against Ahmadinejad’s re-election in June 2009 was a clear manifestation of this narrowing gap. I was on the streets of Tehran during those days. The demonstrators were not all secular, educated, westernised individuals. They were many factory workers, housewives and farmers in the protests.
In the absence of any clear vision for the future of the country and looking for a quick fix, the regime chose to blame the media for stirring the people. The government particularly tried to incriminate Western media for trying to create a velvet revolution such as those in Czechoslovakia, Ukraine and Georgia. After the June 2009 presidential elections, the takeover of the government by the Guards gained a new momentum. They took charge of all of the cultural activities in the country as well as the intelligence apparatus. The Guards started doing what they do best: suppressing dissent with violence.
The Guards arrested me nine days after the election. My interrogator told me, “There is no difference between journalism and intelligence.” He said, “You gather and report information. That is exactly what a spy does.”
For 118 days in 2009 I witnessed an ignorant confused regime trying to fight its own people through sheer paranoia. During those 118 days I heard (because I was mostly blindfolded) so many ridiculous ideas and outlandish interpretations of what is going on in the world that at the end nothing surprised me.
For some reason or another, my interrogator had a fascination with New Jersey. I’m not sure why, I never managed to ask him why, but to him, New Jersey sounded like paradise on earth. He maybe was a big fan of the Sopranos or the Jersey Shore, I don’t know, but he thought that whatever happens to people in paradise, including eating the forbidden fruit, copulating with as many men and women as you want, orgies and drinking alcohol was happening in New Jersey. He was upset that I had been to New Jersey, and that he had never been there.
So I was not only a spy, I was a spy who had been to New Jersey.
Of course the memory of those days is funny in hindsight. When you are in a dark interrogation room and you’re blindfolded and you’re subjected to beatings and tortures, as I was and as many of my colleagues in Iran are, your interrogator’s ignorance is far from funny.
What I saw was tantamount to a scene in Martin Scorsese’s Casino, when a man’s head is squeezed to the point of explosion in a vice. The narrowing gap between the masses and the elite is that vice. The regime reacts as thuggishly and violently as those mobsters in Scorsese’s Casino.
So what can we do?
I can say these words on this platform because of the support I received from the international community. I was lucky enough to be working for Newsweek. My colleagues went beyond their call of duty and rallied all their contacts in the international media, and among the diplomatic community, to call for my release.
The fact that I was finally freed (albeit on bail) shows that the Iranian government is not as indifferent to negative publicity as it pretends to be. Iran is not North Korea. Iran needs the help of the international community to survive.
The Iranian government right now is using international satellite technology to send its message of hate. It is using the same broadcasting laws and regulations as the West to have the offices of its satellite foreign language broadcasters in different countries. The world community should prevent the Iranian government from benefiting from what it denies its own people. I was really happy about the European community’s decision this week to penalise Iran for jamming satellite transmissions. I hope they follow these new measures with more urgency and vigour than in the past.
Supporting the free flow of information to and from Iran is investing in Iran’s future. It narrows the gap between Iranians and the rest of the world. It is the quickest shortcut to democracy for Iranians.
In the meantime Khamenei and the guards, as well as their stooge Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, will try their best to suffocate the voices of dissent through brute force. Many lives will perish and be lost in the process. There will be periods of silence and days of turbulence. But in the end, as Prophet Mohammad said, “An infidel can rule a nation for a long time. But an oppressor will never succeed in doing so.”
Maziar Bahari is an Iranian-Canadian playwright, film-maker, and reporter for Newsweek. Bahari graduated with a degree in communications from Concordia University in Montreal. Soon after, he made his first film The Voyage of the Saint Louis about the fatal voyage of more than 900 German Jewish refugees in 1939. He has produced a number of documentaries and news reports for Channel 4 and BBC on subjects as varied as Ayatollah Sistani, Muqtada al-Sadr and human rights in Iraq. A retrospective of Bahari’s films was organized in November 2007 by the International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam. In 1998, Bahari became Newsweek magazine’s Iran correspondent. In September 2009, Bahari was nominated by Desmond Tutu for the Prince of Asturias Award for Concord. During the 2009 Iranian election protests he was arrested without charge, and detained. He was coerced into a televised confession acknowledging Western journalists as spies Bahari was held in solitary confinement in Evin Prison in Iran where he was interrogated daily. After 118 days in jail, Bahari was released on bail on October 20, 2009. Bahari faces 15 different charges and has stated that he will not be able to safely return to Iran until the Islamic Republic falls. His arrest and detention were the subject of a November 22, 2009 segment of 60 Minutes and an article in Newsweek, “118 Days, 12 Hours, 54 Minutes”,